The Road Map towards a Democratic Eritrea

Introduction The Roadmap towards a Democratic Eritrea The purpose of the Roadmap at hand is to outline the termination of the one-man dictatorial system in Eritrea, and establish constitutional multi-party democracy. A realistic assessment of the strength of the dictatorial regime, and the weakness of the Eritrean Opposition Forces (EOF) in the Diaspora, is the entry point to the enterprise of mapping out the routes that lead to the termination of dictatorship in our country. The two components of the EOF are Eritrean political organizations and civil societies. The EOF regard the dictatorial system as the Achilles heel of the dictator, while the Eritrean dictator considers the totalitarian system he erected during his power occupancy, his source of strength. In the long run, dictatorial systems are sources of weakness; but in the short run, as the situation in Eritrea has demonstrated amply, dictatorial systems have the ability to enslave a whole nation. The headings listed below are the main leads to the discussion of the roadmap that shall lead to the termination of the Eritrean dictatorship: a. The powerbase and strategy of the Eritrean dictatorship b. The lack of a powerbase and strategy of the EOF c. The preparatory body for the second National Congress d. Preparation of the documents for the National Congress e. Structure of the leadership of the second National Assembly f. Action strategy of the leadership 1. The Powerbase of the Dictatorship Seen from a structural perspective, the regime in Eritrea has not yet established a “state” replete with conventional state institutions. The following points depict the stools upon which the Eritrean dictatorship rests: · The Eritrean dictatorship treats Eritrea not as a homeland of the Eritrean people; it treats it as a liberated territory occupied by the victorious General Secretary of the EPLF. · The Eritrean people are treated as a conquered entity at the disposal of the General Secretary to fight his wars and serve as indentured labor. · Eritrea does not have a government; the dictator and his enforcers control Eritrea in the same way they controlled the “masses” during the armed struggle. Ministries and other administrative authorities are mere camouflage. · The economic policy of the Eritrean dictatorship is styled as “Self-reliance”. This Maoist term is applied as a cover-name for the illegal imposition of 2% tax per-head on Eritreans in the Diaspora; the total control over the land of the nation; the trade of arms to rouge states and terrorist organizations; and the sale of minerals and potash to foreign companies. · The Eritrean dictatorship bases its foreign policy on war or state of war, as a technique of retaining lifetime power. · The dictator knocked out the ELF with the support of the TPLF; he is now securing his dictatorship with the support of the so-called Ethiopian opposition organizations. · A “Charter” adopted at the third congress that established the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), has replaced Eritrean nationalism by clique loyalty to a group whose origin is non-Eritrean. This particular political input does not reflect on the citizenship of Eritreans, whatever their origin is. The retention of Eritrea; the enslavement of its people; and exploitation of its resources, are the essential components of the non-Eritrean dictatorship. 2. Lack of Powerbase and Absence of Strategy of the EOF The EOF forces do not have a military powerbase of a united and autonomous army; likewise, the EOF is composed of a staggering number of political and civic organizations. The National Assembly that was established in 2011 with the purpose of uniting the EOF has become the main source of disunity. Once more, the EOF is in a state of conflict. The reason for this conflict – before and after the election of the Assembly – is the inbuilt tug-of-war between the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) and non-EDA organizations. In this merry-go-round, the EDA has the formal support of the so-called Sana Forum; this phenomenon led to a mentality of dependence. Furthermore, the number of deputies of the first Assembly of the EOF was unmanageably large; regrettably, with the exception of the contributions of an enlightened few, the Assembly proved to be incompetent. The most pressing weakness of the EOF goes back to the fact that the first National Congress did not reflect the proportionality of the Eritrean plural society. The internal bickering of the EOF during the past three years provided the regime in Asmara the needed respite to consolidate its power. The consolidation of power of the Eritrean regime, on the one side of the scale, and the structural and ideological collapse of the EOF, on the other, presses the need of seeking a functional powerbase and effective strategy. Our point of departure is that the powerbase of the democratic forces lies in Eritrea among the Eritrean people. Likewise, the basic strategy of the democratic forces is to promote social revolution and contentious mobilization of our people inside Eritrea. The notion that a democratic revolution can be conducted from fraternal, neighboring countries, has, from a strategic perspective, proved to be incorrect; in this context, the struggle of the EOF is best limited to tactical areas of support and solidarity. Support and solidarity do not preclude actions directed at the headquarters of the Eritrean dictatorship. The EOF needs to establish its headquarters outside our immediate region; only then can we gain the trust and confidence of our people and respect on the part of the international community. 3.The Preparatory Body for the Second National Congress 3.1. The Chain of Legality that led to the First National Congress The chain of legality that led to the First Eritrean National Congress was as follows: · In 2008, the first congress of the EDA resolved to hold a national conference · A workshop was held in 2009 with the purpose of preparing the national conference · The National Conference was convoked in August 2010, where it was resolved to convene a national congress within a year · The National Congress was held in 1911, where a National Assembly was established. 3.2. The Illegal Steps that Led to the Collapse of the First Assembly During the first year of its life, the leadership organs of the National Assembly failed to establish the institutions outlined in the documents of the National Congress. Worse, the Assembly failed to elect a preparatory committee for the second national congress. These failures compounded by dozens of serious illegal steps, paralyzed the work of the Assembly against the dictatorship; the most glaring source of illegality is the expiration of the lifespan of the National Assembly. As things stand, a legal body that can call the second national congress is not in place. 3.3. An Interim Preparatory Body An examination of the available options leads to the surmise that an interim congress precedes the second national congress. It is important to point out that an Interim Congress has the right to transform itself into a legally constituted Second National Congress. Two conditions are central to this enterprise: The willingness of the EOF to agree on a shared Roadmap, and acquiescence to the demands of sacrifice and discipline required by the task. Failure to respond to these demands is likely to lead to a decision of those who are willing and able to forge ahead in the struggle against dictatorship and for democracy, by ignoring the constraints of the game of national congresses. An Interim Congress requires an interim preparatory body setup by political consensus. The preparatory committee selected by the leading organs of the Assembly is not, strictly speaking, a legal body; nevertheless, it remains a political organ that represents the EDA. Eritreans for National Dialogue (to be held in August, in Washington) is the latest of its genre; the other conferences are the Stockholm Initiative Conference, and the London Conference of Eritrean Lowlanders. The Preparatory Committee set up by the Assembly, may seek the support of the mentioned bodies for the preparation of the projected Interim Conference. 4. Preparation of the Documents for the Second National Congress 4.1. A New Approach is needed At the first national congress, the documents dealing with the transitional period presumed that the leadership elected at the congress would replace the dictatorial regime in Eritrea. With this far-fetched assumption in mind, the transitional documents aimed to establish: an interim government, a transitional assembly, and transitional government. The strength of the strategy of the dictatorial system, and the weakness of the EOF discussed above, demand a new approach. The guiding principle to follow is: Power shall be handed to the people as soon as possible. The acceptance of this principle leads to the hard reality that the EOF is not in a position to lead the transitional period alone: The Provisional Assembly would have to accommodate the deputies of the Second National Congress and the deputies of the civilian section of PFDJ’s Assembly. The superfluous construct: “Transitional Government” is not needed in this scheme; the entire transitional period is an interim period. The Interim period is the time between the overthrow of the dictator and the formation of a democratically elected government. The Interim Period shall be two years. Moreover, the Provisional Assembly precedes the formation of a Provisional Government. The Provisional Government, after its allotted period of time, shall transfer its powers directly to a democratically elected Assembly and Government. A far more important weakness in the documents of the first National Congress lies in the fact that sufficient consideration was not accorded to the political implications of the heterogeneity of Eritrean society. 4.2. Documents of the Roadmap 4.2.1 Eritrean Political Covenants The first political covenant sealed by the Eritrean people, in 1950-52, was the acceptance of the Federal formula that linked Eritrea to Ethiopia, and the Eritrean Constitution ratified by the Eritrean Assembly. The essential principles of the “First Eritrean Covenant” regarding issues of national unity and democracy maybe summarized as follows: · The Eritrean official languages are Tigrinya and Arabic · Elections to the Assembly be based on territorial constituencies · The Eritrean Constitution be based on the principles of the Charter of the UN, and · That autonomous Eritrea shall not be a confessional state The “Second Eritrean Covenant”, as encapsulated in the Programs of the ELF of 1971, and the EPLF, in 1977, confirms the principles of the First Eritrean Covenant. After independence, however, the Eritrean dictatorship played havoc with the first three principles sanctioned by the two covenants discussed above. As a result, confessional and ethnic organizations emerged in defense of their religious and national rights. The present state of flux that pervades the EOF makes it incumbent upon the Eritrean elite to hammer out an agreement that takes into account the rights of all the segments of the Eritrean plural society. The purpose of the models listed below, is to facilitate a transparent civil discourse between the various organized segments of the EOF. 4.2.2. Models for Discussion by the Second National Congress The first Eritrean covenant advocates the rights of minorities but does not take up the “Ethnic” Issue specifically. The reason given for this position was that while the Arabic language cements the unity of Eritrean Muslims, ethnicity divides them. The second Eritrean Covenant took up the principle that all national groups are equal; the attempt of one group to dominate the remaining national groups was rejected. Let us now pause before the following models. Model 1 Arabic is the official language of Eritrean Muslims. Counter Model 1 Non-Arabic Muslims do not claim that Arabic is their language; they cherish both Islam and their native languages. In the First Covenant, Arabic became one of the languages of Eritrea due to the acquiescence of the Tigrinyis. The claim that Arabic is the language of Eritrean Muslims, implies that the Tigrinyis have the right to institute Tigrinya, in exclusion of Arabic, in the areas they predominate, and install English as the language of education, parallel with Tigrinya. Model 2 The claim that Arabic is the language of Muslims introduces the notion that the Muslim segment of Eritrea has obtained a new Islamic-Arabic identity. Counter Model 2 This notion may resuscitate programs that were put to rest by the independence of Eritrea; notably, “Ethiopianism” and “Tigray-Tigrinyism”. Model 3 The Islamic-Arabic community has the right establish an Islamic state. Counter Model 3 The Tigrinyis counter, the establishment of an Islamic State implies the “Islamization” of the whole of Eritrea; they find that the best solution lies in accepting the divide between the affairs of the state and the affairs of religion. Model 4 The dictatorial regime is composed of a dominant Tigrinyi group; as a result, the oppressed nationalities of Eritrea have the right to exercise the option of separation. Counter Model 4 “Counter Model 4” does not oppose the rights of nationalities; it merely sees the need of hammering a mutual solution for the formation of the new Eritrean state by mutual agreement. 4.2.3. Ethnic and Class Composition of the PFDJ Viewed from the regional perspective, the EPLF was composed of fighters from the Coastal Region of the Red Sea, the Highlands, and the Sahel. Linguistically speaking, the EPLF was composed of Tigre, Tigrinya, Afar and Saho speakers. During the struggle, the Tigrinya fighters and officers outgrew the remaining components of the EPLF, in numbers. This was also reflected in the victories achieved and sacrifices paid. After independence, the same ethnic, religious, and regional composition formed the dictatorial regime. A simple count of those who control the military and civil establishments, may indicate that the religious, ethnic, and regional composition of the dictatorial regime is predominantly composed of Tigrinyis. From the class perspective, however, control of Eritrean natural and human resources, is in the hands of the alliance forged between the groups mentioned above. The dictatorial regime has used the social cleavages of the Eritrean society for purposes of class control. The EOF needs to keep in mind that the ruling class of Eritrea is of non-Eritrean origin. 4.2.4. Plural Societies and the Importance of Mutual Accommodation The models discussed above provide us an empirical overview of the political formulation of the cultural divergence of the Eritrean plural society; what is missing is a theoretical torchlight that enables the arrangement of a New Covenant into a negotiable packet. The process of putting together an accommodative packet is so complex that only the elite of the various political and civil organizations are equipped with the needed knowledge and experience required to handle them correctly. In this context the following principles need to be taken into consideration: · There must be a coalition government at the centre organized on the basis of proportional representation at the legislative, executive, and civil service levels. · Natural national wealth must be distributed fairly; the fair allocation of funds towards even development is essential. · The provinces of Eritrea need to be devolved territorially into autonomous cantons. · Citizens must have the opportunity to participate, directly or indirectly, in decision-making. · The minority must not be excluded from the decision-making process by the numerical majority. · The coalition government shall be legally precluded from interference in intra-confessional relationships. There are two major disadvantages to this system: political and economic. Elite dominance over the majority of citizens might lead to political decay. Economic development in an elite dominated and segmented society might be arrested. A way out from this impasse is the bottom/upward “Strategyadi”. The body that prepares the documents for the congress needs to improve the two Eritrean Covenants highlighted above in the context of an inclusive coalition government, equitable distribution of wealth, territorial autonomy, and foundational strategyadi. 4.3. Provisional Charter The Provisional Charter is the document that guides the Provisional Assembly and Provisional Government. The Provisional Charter shall, therefore, include the following institutions: 4.3.1. Provisional National Assembly During this transitional period, two authorities shall be established; namely, the Provisional National Assembly and the Provisional Government. The Provisional National Assembly shall be composed of the civilian part of the Assembly of the PFDJ and the Assembly of the EOF. The Provisional Assembly shall establish the Provisional Government. As indicated above, the life-span of the Provisional National Assembly and Government shall be two years. The Provisional National Assembly shall have two chambers: The Chamber of Religious Communities and Nationalities (CRCN), and the Chamber of Political Parties (CPP). The CRCN, shall be charged with the task of drafting legislation regarding the rights of the segments of Eritrean society; it is further given the power of overview in matters related to the proper application of the Law of Proportionality. The Commission for the Constitution shall be set up by both chambers of the Assembly; but only the elected National Assembly has the right to ratify it. The Chamber of Political Parties shall legislate the law of political parties and elections. The courts shall use the existing laws unless they contravene internationally recognized human rights. The Assembly shall establish a land rights court and a human rights court 4.3.2. Provisional Government The Provisional Government shall be an inclusive government based on a grand coalition and guided by the principle of proportionality. This means that political organizations, religious, ethnic, and regional communities elect their representatives in accordance to the proportionality principle agreed upon. 4.3.3. The Tasks of the Provisional Government · To secure a smooth transition of power · To release all political prisoners · To establish a democratic government · To secure a just court system · To secure Eritrean sovereignty · To establish diplomatic relations based on peace and coexistence · To protect Eritrea’s land and mineral wealth · To ensure food and health security · To ensure internal stability · To ensure external security 5. Structure of the Leadership of the Second Assembly The EOF shall be organized in accordance to the principles of proportionality: this means that Identity parties and socio-economic parties shall be elected by their constituencies. The grand coalition that emerges from this process shall be approved by the second National Congress. Socio-economic parties have two components: the political parties and civil societies; and Identity parties made of confessional and ethnic segments. The National Assembly shall be composed of a small number of deputies with high calibre. The executive committee should be the sole leading political organ; the organs of the Assembly shall concern themselves with legislative matters, and the organization of the Diaspora communities. The headquarters of the leading organs of the Assembly shall be based where the Eritrean Diaspora communities are located; namely, in Europe, North America, the Middle East, Africa, and Australia. 5.1. Civil Societies The powers and responsibilities of the civic societies shall be defined by the National Congress. A Civil Society Council shall be created in order to promulgate a guiding ordinance to existing civil organizations and future ones. · All civil Societies shall be registered legally in countries of their residence. · Organizational redundancy shall be streamlined. · A distinction shall be made between professional, interest, and human organizations · Secondary Student Councils, and University Student Councils are civil society organizations · Eritrean youth have the right to belong to political parties of their choice, but an eventual “Confederation of Youth” is a civil society organization · Civil society organizations have the task of lobbying governmental and non-governmental institutions; mobilize Eritrean Diaspora communities; and protecting Eritreans from human rights abuse 6, Action Strategy of the Political Leadership · Transfer the Headquarters of the EOF to Europe, North America, and Australia · Apply the strategy of reconciliation with the supporters of the regime in the Diaspora · Promote social revolution and contentious politics in Eritrea · Networking with the opposition inside the country · Isolate the non-Eritrean ruling clique from the Eritrean people · Re-educate Eritreans to free themselves from political infancy and cult-worship of the dictator · Protect Eritreans from human organ bandits · Fight for the human rights of Eritrean Refugees · Establish meaningful diplomatic relations with the international community · Secure Independent sources of income >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

Herui T. Bairu Stockholm, 2014-06-30